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IN 1935, when Margaret Mead published her Sex and¡¡Temperament in Three Primitive Societies, the prevailing view was that the basic differences¡¡between masculine and feminine behavior was owing to physiological differences. In attempting to correct a view that was nearly as exaggerated as the absurdly environmental explanation of ex differences that infuses the social sciences today, Missad exaggerated the degree to which one of the societies she studied (the Tchambuli) associated what we would call the
masculine with women and the feminine with men.

Few social scientists bought this view. For example, Jesse Bernard, who would have very much liked to be able to accept Miss Mead's conclusions,pointed out that, if the reader ignored the adjectives, the Tchambuli did not seem very different from other societies. "Effete" headhunters and "comradely" women feeding their children are still male headhunters and women feeding their children, and it is only the adjectives provided by Margaret Mead that even begin to suggest otherwise.

In response to such criticism, Miss Mead wrote a famous letter to The American Anthropologist in which she pointed out that Nowhere do I suggest that I have found any material which disproves the existence of sex¡¡differences. . . . This study was not concerned with hether there are or are not actual and universal differences¡¡tween the sexes, either quantitative or qualitative.

Over the course of fifty years Miss Mead repeated her denial a hundred times, in response to one or another claim that she had found a society that reversed sex roles; in a review of my The Inevitability of Patriarchy,
she wrote: It is true, as Professor Goldberg points out, that all the claims so glibly made about societies ruled by women are non-sense. We have no reason to believe that they ever existed. . . . Men have always been the leaders in public affairs and the final authorities at home.
Finally, eight years ago I published--in the American Sociological Association's journal of book reviews, perhaps the most-read journal in sociology--a letter making all of the above points.

Now, one would think that all this would be sufficient to preclude even the most ardent environmentalist's invoking Margaret Mead's study as evidence of sex-role reversibility. And yet, a couple of years ago I went to Barnes and Noble and located 38 introductory sociology books published in the few preceding years. Of these 38, 36 began their sex-roles chapters with a discussion of Miss Mead's work on the Tchambuli and how it demonstrates the
environmental nature of male and female behavior.

It is not clear how many of these 36 knowingly misrepresented the facts and how many were incompetent as much as dishonest (uninformed cribbing from other textbooks is near-standard procedure in introductory-textbook iting). But it is clear why the textbooks misrepresent the vidence.
They, like the discipline whose work they represent, have an ideological commitment to denying that masculine and feminine behaviors and emotions are rooted in male and female physiologies and that all social systems conform to the limits imposed by this reality.
My point here is merely that no case can be made for Miss Mead's having even claimed to have demonstrated that the Tchambuli refute that explanation. Yet 36 of 38¡¡ntroductory sociology textbooks state it as truth.

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